Last quote by Alain Juppé
Alain Juppé quotes
I don't know Mr Trump, but there's a question mark and a big worry. His total ignorance of Europe, his disdain for France, his isolationist and protectionist points of view, his outrageous simplifications, his constant changes of tack, are a real concern. But it is for the people of the United States to choose.
Let's unite, rather than divide, unite rather than exclude or stigmatise, unite rather than indulge in one-upmanship.
Sarkozy has the party. But I have support, and I'm organising my small company. Sometimes small ones work better than the big ones on the stock exchange.
If it doesn't work, we cannot continue to allow ourselves to be challenged by the regime in place, which has not adhered to the six points of the Kofi Annan plan. We'd have to move into a new phase.
Today for us the priority is to put into place the Annan plan, which for us is the last chance for peace, the last chance to avoid civil war in Syria. To make sure the plan works a strong observation mission has to be deployed as quickly as possible.
We will maintain our aid to the population, particularly food aid, and we will continue our efforts in the fight against terrorism.
And when I see the Syrian president parading around this voting station in Damascus for this phoney referendum, it is a profound indignation we feel, all of us who see this spectacle.
I was happy to see there was a consensus – unanimity – around the table to relaunch the Union for the Mediterranean around concrete projects.
We decided to stop our orders. Our deliveries from Iran are pretty marginal in relation to our total purchases. I repeat that it is the EU that decided to put an embargo on Iranian oil sales.
Most of the protesters in Homs or elsewhere are fighting with their bare hands.
I think the Greek government faced its responsibilities with a lot of courage and so did the parliament. I've been told there's a lack of democracy. I would like to remind everyone about the fact that the parliament does embody democracy.
I believe that the process of the Security Council has been paralysed with the veto issued by Russia and China while 13 out of 15 countries were close to approving the resolution. Their conduct has cast a moral stain on the Security Council.
We need a plan for political transition: firstly a ceasefire, a withdrawal of troops, then a political transition removing Assad.
Today, France wishes to support the ongoing movement toward reform and opening in Burma, by tripling our bilateral aid to this country.
Iran is continuing its nuclear armament. There is no doubt about this. The last report from the International Atomic Energy Agency was quite clear on this point. Two concrete proposals on that front, the first being to freeze the Iranian Central Bank assets, and secondly, an embargo on Iranian oil exports.
I think armed intervention of the kind that took place in Libya is not the order of the day; in any case it's not what we want now. Nevertheless, we can envisage ways of protecting the civilian population, namely through observers, for example, through the United Nations.
We cannot let the warmongers get away with it. We cannot leave the civilian population in the lurch, suffering brutal repression. We cannot let legality and international morals be ignored.
Today we have to help the NTC, as the country is devastated. The humanitarian situation is difficult, there's little water, electricity, fuel. Libya is potentially a rich country, it has frozen assets elsewhere that were embezzled by the previous regime, which we're in the process of unfreezing. France, for example, has just authorised the release to the NTC of 1.5 billion euros.
Gaddafi has to leave power, and give up any civil and military roles. That is a condition for us that could lead to a cease fire and a resumption of national dialogue.
In Syria, the process of reform is dead and we think that Bashar has lost his legitimacy to rule the country. This a point that I have discussed with Hillary Clinton. We think, all together, that now we must go ahead and circulate this draft resolution in the Security Council.
NATO must play its role fully. NATO wanted to take the military direction of operations, and we accepted it. Now it must prevent Gaddafi repeatedly using heavy weapons against populations.
The negotiations between Laurent Gbagbo's entourage and the Ivory Coast authorities that lasted for hours yesterday have failed because of Laurent Gbagbo's intransigence. So they have been interrupted and President Ouattara has decided to ask his military forces, the Republican Forces, to resume the offensive against the presidential compound.
I hope that as soon as possible, Gbagbo will accept reality, that he is isolated and must recognize that the only legitimate and legal President of Ivory Coast is Alassana Outtara.
I must remind you it is not part of the UN resolution, resolution 1973 and 1970 – which for the moment France is sticking to – but we are open to discussing arming rebels with our partners.
It's about protecting civilians. It's also about giving an advantage to the anti-Gaddafi forces fighting for democracy and freedom, and it's for that that we are targeting Gaddafi's military resources and nothing else.
I have taken the initiative along with my British colleague to bring together a contact group in London next Tuesday. This includes all the countries in the coalition, as well as the African Union, the Arab League, and all the European countries involved, to make it clear that the political leadership of the operation is not NATO, but this contact group.
We have to analyse the conditions of this ceasefire, it must be a ceasefire on the whole territory of Libya and not only on Benghazi, and we think that Libya must also comply with the whole resolution of the Security Council.
We have to demand more safety, but to suggest to the French that we could manage without nuclear energy production in the coming decades is, purely and simply, a lie.
France does not think that, in the current context, military intervention by NATO powers would be well-received on the southern shores of the Mediterranean. It would be counterproductive. That said, given the actions that have been carried out by Colonel Gaddafi, we must put ourselves in a position to act. That's why we've given our permission to the planning of an exclusion zone over Libya.
This big capital spending programme, financed by a loan, has to work alongside our continuing efforts of reduce the budget deficit.