David Davis

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Last quote by David Davis

The first conversation between Michel [Barnier] and myself will almost certainly be about this subject.
NEW Mar 29 2017 Brexit
We can learn a lot about a person if we know what types of things he or she talks about or comments on the most frequently. There are numerous topics with which David Davis is associated, including European Union, UK, and market. Most recently, David Davis has been quoted saying: “The risk for everyone involved [in negotiations] is very large, and this puts a premium on nerve. He who has least to lose always has the upper hand in these circumstances.” in the article Brexit secretary David Davis revealed his negotiating knowhow in 1988 book.
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David Davis quotes

We are on the threshold of the most important negotiation for this country for a generation. The government is clear in its aims: a deal that works for every nation and region of the UK and indeed for all of Europe - a new, positive partnership between the U.K. and our friends and allies in the European Union.

We are on the threshold of the most important negotiation for this country for a generation.

The government is clear in its aims: a deal that works for every nation and region of the UK and indeed for all of Europe – a new, positive partnership between the UK and our friends and allies in the European Union.

That is what people voted for: power and authority residing once again with the sovereign institutions of our own country.

To ensure continuity, we will take a simple approach. EU law will be transposed into domestic law, wherever practical, on exit day. It will be for elected politicians here to make the changes to reflect the outcome of our negotiation and our exit.

The government should rule out this dangerous and counter-productive threat before Article 50 is triggered.

Any forecast you make depends on the mitigation you make, and therefore it would be rather otiose to do that forecast before we have concluded what mitigation is possible. We had to be clear that we could actually manage this in such a way as to be better than a bad deal, and that is true. I can't quantify it for you yet. I may well be able to do so in a year's time. It's not as frightening as some people think, but it's not as simple as some people think.

If one side doesn't want to agree, which I'm afraid has been the position of the Scottish Government, then there is no way seek to agree can turn into agree.

I can't quantify it for you in detail yet. I may well be able to do so in about a year's time. But it's certainly the case that it is not as frightening frankly Mr Chairman as some people think. But it's not as simple as some people think.

Then we meet and we start. And I guess the first meeting, bluntly, will be about how we do this? How many meetings, you know, who's going to meet, who's going to come.

We are now on the threshold of the most important negotiation for our country in a generation. We have a plan to build a Global Britain, and take advantage of its new place in the world by forging new trading links.

We are now on the threshold of the most important negotiation for our country in a generation. So we will trigger Article 50 by the end of this month as planned and deliver an outcome that works in the interests of the whole of the UK.

That is why we must pass this straightforward bill without further delay so the prime minister can get to work on the negotiations and we can secure a quick deal that secures the status of both European Union citizens in the U.K. and also U.K. nationals living in the EU.

We are now on the threshold of the most important negotiation for our country in a generation.

Each date has different implications in terms of when it could be responded to by the (European) council ... I'm not going to get into the details why, but there's politics in terms of achieving success.

What we can't have is either house of parliament reversing the decision of the British people - they haven't got a veto.

It is clear that some in the Lords would seek to frustrate that process, and it is the government's intention to ensure that does not happen.

We will now aim to overturn these amendments in the House of Commons.

If we had had our way, we would have actually got an agreement in principle at least in December … but we couldn't get everybody to agree at that point. It will be the first thing on our agenda. I would hope that we would get some agreement in principle very, very soon, as soon as the negotiation process starts.

We've said very, very clearly that we want to come to a generous arrangement for everybody in the European Union. And that is not just about the right to remain which is what people mostly focus on but things like pensions and healthcare, social support, welfare as well. We want to get that all right and we want to do it soon. It will be the first thing on our agenda. I would hope that we would get some agreement in principle very, very soon, as soon as the negotiation process starts.

When it comes back to the lower house, we will see what the decision is. I think you'll find they may have a different view.

They'll have all the rights they have now. We want to see the most civilised and the most responsible arrangement possible. We want to see Latvian citizens in the UK have all the rights they have now continue into the future. And it's not just the residence rights, that's public services, it's healthcare, it's all the normal rights that we would give to our own citizens.

The White Paper makes clear that we expect to bring forward separate legislation in areas such as customs and immigration delivering a smooth, mutually beneficial exit. Avoiding a disruptive cliff-edge will be key.

We will seek a new strategic partnership. A bold and ambitious free trade and customs agreement that should ensure the most free and frictionless trade in goods and services that is possible. That will be to our mutual benefit.

Our best days are yet to come. A never-ending transitional status is emphatically not what we seek but a phased implementation process … Will be necessary for both sides.

I will do everything in my power to make sure that the measure goes through swiftly and that, while it is properly scrutinized, it is a simple and straightforward bill that delivers the triggering of Article 50 by March 31.

Do we trust the people or not? It's not a bill about whether the U.K. should leave the union or indeed about how it should do so. It is simply about Parliament empowering the government to implement a decision already made – a point of no return already passed.

Our aims are clear, we will maintain the closest possible nuclear cooperation with the European Union, that relationship could take a number of different forms and will be subject to negotiation.

The British people have made the decision to leave the EU and this government is determined to get on with the job of delivering it. I trust that parliament, which backed the referendum by six to one, will respect the decision taken by the British people and pass the legislation quickly.

I trust that Parliament, which backed the referendum by six-to-one, will respect the decision taken by the British people and pass the legislation quickly.

I've said we will produce it as expeditiously as possible, as quickly as possible. What can you do faster than that?

Parliament will rightly scrutinize and debate this legislation. But I trust no one will seek to make it a vehicle for attempts to thwart the will of the people, or frustrate or delay the process of our exit from the European Union.

I can announce today that we will shortly introduce legislation allowing the government to move ahead with invoking Article 50, which starts the formal process of leaving the European Union.

We will within days introduce legislation to give the government the legal power to trigger Article 50.

This will be the most straightforward bill possible to give effect to the decision of the people and respect the Supreme Court's judgment.

There can be no turning back. The point of no return was passed on June 23 last year.

They won't vote it down. This negotiation will succeed.

Some of the other responses we got back from Brussels overnight reflected that, that this was a positive response, something that they were, I think they were hoping for, frankly.

You won't see any difference, let's say, in the right to travel. We have got 35 million people who come here from Europe each year. We will see (about customs checks). That is one of the things we will have to negotiate.

A level of unskilled migration is likely to continue. Where from, how it is controlled, will all be a matter for the new immigration policy.

The referendum last year set in motion a circumstance where the UK is going to leave the European Union, and it won't change that.

If it proves necessary, we have said we will consider time for implementation of new arrangements.

We don't intend to revoke it. It may not be revocable. We don't know.

It seems to me that it will be perfectly possible to know what the end game will be in two years.

Within that box we want to get the maximum market access for British companies with the minimum of disruption so we will do what is necessary to that aim.

We will need to find our way through a vast number of competing interests to manage our exit from the union, so that our people benefit from it. That is the aim of this exercise. So that our people benefit from it. To do this the government must have the flexibility to adjust during negotiations.

If the European Parliament has a vote, it is inconceivable this house doesn't - simple as that.

The major criterion here is that we get the best possible access for goods and services to the European market and if that is included in what he's talking about then of course we would consider it.

Withdrawing from the EU means the decisions on how we spend taxpayers' money will be made in the United Kingdom.

That may or may not include membership of the single market but it is achievable by a number of different methods.

It is important to ... first get to know each other, meet each other, get to trust each other and secondly to understand the structures.

We will be very clear about how it will be worked out, all of those implications both for ourselves and as far as we can for the EU.

One of the things we are very clear about, we are going to deal with this systematically.

People can say what they like but the simple truth is there's no vacancy. The ambassador there is very very good, as we've seen.

We believe in free speech - we have a very good ambassador in Washington, Kim Darroch, and he'll be there for years.

So we are asking the devolved administrations to bring us their analysis that will help shape our priorities for the negotiation with the EU, and we will share our latest thinking.

The people want us to get on with it, and that is what we are going to do.

We have to treat as absolutely central to what we do maintaining the stability of both the City, but also the European financial markets ... we will therefore do anything necessary.

In the financial sector, as in other sectors, at the point of exit from the European Union, the standards, all the conventions, all of the regulations will be identical, so the transition should be capable of being managed very cleanly.

We need to be explicit that while we commend and welcome parliamentary scrutiny, it must not be used as a vehicle to undermine the Government's negotiating position or thwart the process of exit. Both things are important.

We've had people talking about 'hard' Brexit and 'soft' Brexit, which means very little. We have not started the negotiation with the European Union yet and there is a whole spectrum (of outcomes) from a free trade area to a customs union to the single-market arrangement.

The Treasury has already had a roundtable on specifically this issue and looked very clearly at mutual recognition and various mechanisms of mutual recognition as a fallback on passporting.

We will assess every single concern people raise ... and try to find the simplest and most secure answer to it. Now, that of course will be different for financial services than it will be for a motor car manufacturer... but it won't be a separate deal, there are no separate deals.

This is about trying to get the best for the entire country ... We're not going to float London off.

We want the car manufacturing industry to be doing better, we want the finance sector to be doing better, with no constraints on them.

We will set about making sure that the things that people are worrying about like passporting are resolved, there's no question there.

We will protect the rights of EU citizens here, so long as Britons in Europe are treated the same way.

It is no secret in our negotiating strategy I will be using those arguments.

If you're after a factual statement of what the outcome could be it's I guess what is normally known as the World Trade Organisation rules.

There has to be some legislation (to leave the EU), no doubt.

It will start, I guess, at the point of triggering Article 50. We will at that point have a some clear public negotiating guidelines.

Before Article 50 is triggered there will be a rather frustrating time, because we won't be saying an awful lot.

We need to take an empirical approach. The purpose of this is not to damage the national interest or damage economic interest, it's just the reverse.

At that point, which is not yet, we will be doing some quite quantitative assessment of what we think the advantages and disadvantages are.

With respect to access to the single market, what we will seek to do is ideally have a tariff-free access but this is a matter of negotiation.

I want to see a generous settlement for the people here already because they didn't pick this circumstance.

We want to do that at the same time as we get a similarly generous settlement for British citizens living in the EU.

It will keep its access, but whether it keeps tariff-free access is the issue and ...that is what we are aiming for.

We should work out what we do in the improbable event of the EU taking a dog in the manger attitude to single market tariff free access, and insist on WTO rules and levies, including 10 percent levies on car exports.

People will see this as a plastic Poll Tax. It could be a 100 pounds, could be as much as 300 pounds, for the documents including these ID cards and that is an extraordinary sum of money.

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