Nicola Sturgeon

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Last quote by Nicola Sturgeon

As a result of the Brexit vote we know that change is now inevitable - the question is what kind of change is right for Scotland and whether that change is made for us or by us.
Mar 22 2017
Nicola Sturgeon has been quoted 120 times. The one recent article where Nicola Sturgeon has been quoted is Sturgeon takes first formal step towards Scottish referendum. Most recently, Nicola Sturgeon was quoted as having said, “To suggest that an emphatic election victory on the basis of a clear manifesto commitment and a parliamentary majority on an issue does not provide a mandate begs the question: what does? And it runs the real risk of undermining the democratic process. Nine months on, there is no indication at all that this parliament's voice has carried any weight at Westminster. Instead, the UK government is taking decisions entirely unilaterally which I, and many others, believe will deeply damage our economy, our society and our standing in the world.”.
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Nicola Sturgeon quotes

As we debate our future, let's do so openly and honestly. But let no one – for or against independence – ever seek to run down Scotland's strengths and our nation's great potential. What we must all do is strive to make our country even better.

If I ruled out a referendum, I would be deciding – completely unilaterally – that Scotland will follow the UK to a hard Brexit come-what-may, no matter how damaging to our economy and our society it turns out to be. That should not be the decision of just one politician – not even the First Minister. It will be decided by the people of Scotland. It will be Scotland's choice.

Plan A' is the democratic one, it is the right one, because it's the one which puts the choice into the hands of the people of Scotland.

I have a mandate to give people in Scotland a choice and it is simply undemocratic for a party with one MP (member of parliament) in Scotland to stand in the way of that.

I have got various options that I would consider but with the greatest of respect I'm not going to share them with you right now. Well I will share them with the people of Scotland and the people of Scotland will have the right to know them once we are at that stage. I don't think I should be getting into Plan Bs at this stage when I am putting forward a Plan A that has such a strong cast iron mandate.

The Scottish government is not proposing #scotref now... but when the terms of Brexit clear and before it is too late to choose an alternative path.

It is for the Scottish parliament – not Downing Street – to determine the timing of a referendum, and the decision of the Scottish parliament must be respected.

This is not the Iron Lady – this is someone whose government is in chaos, chopping and changing all of the time.

It's an argument for independence really in a nutshell, that Westminster thinks it has got the right to block the democratically elected mandate of the Scottish government and the majority in the Scottish parliament. History may look back on today and see it as the day the fate of the union was sealed.

I will be arguing for this country to be in charge of its own finances and it's own future, to build a stronger society and a stronger economy.

Well done, Muirfield – decision to admit women members emphatic and the right one. Look forward to seeing you host the Open again in future.

If the UK leaves the EU without Scotland indicating beforehand – or at least within a short time after it – that we want a different relationship, we could face a lengthy period outside not just the EU but also the single market. That could make the task of negotiating a different future much more difficult.

The UK Government was clear in 2014 that an independence referendum should be, in their words, made in Scotland, by the people of Scotland' – that is a principle that should be respected today. Having Scotland's referendum - at a time when the terms of Brexit are known - will give the Scottish people a choice about the kind of change we want. And it must be a choice for all of us.

The timing of the Brexit negotiations are not within the control of the Scottish Government. However, we must plan on the basis of what we do know now and what we know is that on the timetable set out by the Prime Minister, the shape of the Brexit deal will become clear in the autumn of next year ahead of ratification votes by other EU countries. That is therefore the earliest point at which a referendum would be appropriate. Having sunk the ship with the Brexit vote, that would be puncturing Scotland's lifeboat as well and I don't think that would be acceptable.

We have not met with a Government and a Prime Minister who is willing to meet us half way [, ...] they have moved away from compromise with language that has appeared to become harder and harder.

But I will take the steps necessary now to make sure that Scotland will have a choice at the end of this process – a choice of whether to follow the U.K. to a hard Brexit, or to become an independent country able to secure a real partnership of equals with the rest of the U.K. and our own relationship with Europe.

Scotland stands at a hugely important crossroads. On the eve of Article 50 being triggered, not only is there no U.K.-wide agreement on the way ahead – the U.K. government has not moved even an inch in pursuit of compromise and agreement. All of our efforts at compromise have been met with a brick wall of intransigence. I will continue to stand up for Scotland's interests during the process of Brexit negotiations.

I am not turning my back on further discussions should the U.K. government change its mind. Sometimes you've got to do what you think it right in politics. And I think it's right for Scotland to have a choice.

The future of the U.K. looks very different today than it did two years ago.

If Scotland is to have a real choice - when the terms of Brexit are known but before it is too late to choose our own course - then that choice must be offered between the autumn of next year, 2018, and the spring of 2019. If the UK leaves the EU without Scotland indicating beforehand - or at least within a short time after it - that we want a different relationship with Europe, we could face a lengthy period not just outside the EU but also the single market.

Not only is there no U.K.-wide agreement on the way ahead, but the U.K. government has not moved even an inch in pursuit of compromise and agreement. Our efforts at compromise have instead been met with a brick wall of intransigence.

Since last June my focus has been on trying to find an agreement with the UK that would reconcile the UK-wide vote to leave the European Union with the Scottish vote to remain.

I'm pretty certain that this wasn't the purpose of this impressive human rights lawyer's appearance at the UN.

Within that window, er I guess of when the, the sort of outline of a UK deal, becomes clear on the UK exiting the EU, I think would be the common sense time for, Scotland to have that choice, if that is the road we choose to go down. Well, I'm not and I never have been and, you know, I always think that sometimes kind of says more about them than it says about me because it, it suggests that there are politicians in Westminster who think Brexit and all of this is some kind of game.

It's not a game, it's really, really serious and the implications for the UK are serious and the implications for Scotland are serious.

Where we have spoken the language of consensus and co-operation, theirs has been the language of Westminster diktat. Where we have been prepared to offer a solution short of our ideal outcome, they have refused to seriously engage. And where we have offered compromise, we have been met by a brick wall of Tory intransigence.

If the prime minister thinks she can come to Scotland and sermonise about where power should lie, in the manner of one of her Tory predecessors, she should remember this: her government has no mandate in Scotland, and no democratic basis to take us out of Europe and the single market against our will.

But increasingly, this Tory government seems to think it can do what it wants to Scotland and get away with it.

If an independence referendum does arise, it will not be down to bad faith on the part of the Scottish government, but to sheer intransigence on the part of the UK government. It is not too late for the UK government to change course, but time is running out.

I think it's important that the House of Commons and parliament is involved not just in that narrow question of whether to trigger Article 50 but also the terms of the negotiation. The prime minister set out last week the path towards the hardest of hard Brexits. I don't believe there is a majority for that in the House of Commons, I certainly don't believe there is a majority for that across the country.

Is Scotland content for our future to be dictated by an increasingly right-wing Westminster Government, or is it better that we take our future in to our own hands. It is becoming ever clearer that this is a choice Scotland must take. It is now crystal clear that the promises made to Scotland by the U.K. Government about the Sewel Convention and the importance of embedding it in statute were not worth paper they were written on.

The UK government cannot be allowed to take us out of the EU and the single market, regardless of the impact on our economy, jobs, living standards and our reputation as an open, tolerant country, without Scotland having the ability to choose between that and a different future.

While discussions on those proposals continue, and while the Prime Minister [Tuesday] reiterated her pledge to give our plan proper consideration, we have not yet seen evidence that Scotland's voice is being listened to or our interests taken into account.

The UK government cannot be allowed to take us out of the EU and the single market, regardless of the impact on our economy, jobs, living standards and our reputation as an open, tolerant country, without Scotland having the ability to choose between that and a different future. With [May's] comments today, the prime minister has only succeeded in making that choice more likely.

The prime minister has taken the UK down the road of a hard Brexit. It is not driven by the interest of the country, it is driven by the interest of the hard right of her own party. That is deeply regrettable.

The hints about what (Theresa May) she is likely to say and the comments of Phillip Hammond in the German newspaper are deeply troubling. What he is describing is a race to the bottom – a sort of bargain basement economy where the UK government will try to attract business to the UK by offering lower taxes, lower wages, less regulation in terms of workers rights.

I don't feel as if I know any more about her negotiating objectives today than I did six months ago, and probably what's more worrying than that, I'm not sure she knows more about her negotiating objectives than she did back then as well.

They (UK government) will be making a big mistake if they think that I am in any way bluffing because if it comes to the point, you know, two years after Scotland had been told in the independence referendum, Scotland don't leave the UK, lead the UK. Here we are, we voted to stay in the EU, we were told that voting 'No' (in the Scottish independence referendum) was the only way we could stay in the EU, and we now face being taken out of the EU. Now that creates a much more fundamental question for Scotland.

I've been willing, and am willing, to put aside my preferred option of independence in the EU to see if we can explore a consensus and compromise option. I'm never going to stop arguing for independence. I think Scotland will become independent and I think that's the direction of travel.

We are determined that Scotland's vote to remain in the European Union will be respected and that people in Scotland retain as many of the benefits of EU membership as possible, including the freedom to work, travel and study in other member states.

The option of independence must remain on the table. Brexit is a problem not of Scotland's making.

There has to be a way to effectively square the circle (between the two results). Will this be easy? No … but I believe this is achievable. First and foremost, this is about us trying to convince the UK that these are proposals worthy of being considered.

We believe our practical solutions are reasonable and in the best interests of Scotland – in a context that will be complex and unprecedented whatever the ultimate outcome.

We are determined to maintain Scotland's current position in the European single market.

We all have to wait and see what the reality of President Trump is. I'm sure I'm not alone in saying that I hope the reality of president Trump is different the candidate Trump we saw.

There is a sense of the Prime Minister feeling, if she goes one way she will upset some people and, if she goes the other way she will upset other people.

It is normal in any election for those on the losing side to feel disappointment, but today, many in America and across the world, will also feel a real sense of anxiety.

While this is not the outcome I hoped for, it is the verdict of the American people and we must respect it. I congratulate president-elect Trump on winning the election.

I recognize and respect the rights of England and Wales to leave the European Union and this is not an attempt to veto that process, but the democratic wishes of people in Scotland ... cannot simply be brushed aside.

(Carmaker) Nissan has a clearer indication of strategy than the elected governments of Wales, Scotland and Ireland.

The margin for 'remain' in Scotland was 24 points: a far more emphatic and clear result.

(The ruling) is hugely significant and underlines the chaos and confusion at the heart of the UK government.

It doesn't appear to me at the moment that there is a UK negotiating strategy.

I don't know what the UK's negotiating position is because they can't tell us. I can't undermine something that doesn't exist, it doesn't appear to me at the moment that there is a UK negotiating strategy.

So far those words are not matched by substance or actions and that is what has got to change.

What I'm not prepared to do ... is stand back and watch Scotland driven off a hard Brexit cliff edge because the consequences in lost jobs, lost investment and lower living standards are too serious.

Well, we had a frank exchange of views. I don't mind admitting large parts of the meeting were deeply frustrating. I don't know any more now about the UK government's approach to the EU negotiations than I did before I went into the meeting, and I can't speak for the other devolved administrations but I think there was a degree of frustration shared by all of us about that.

I am determined that Scotland will have the ability to reconsider the question of independence and to do so before the UK leaves the EU if that is necessary to protect our country's interests.

We will seek to make this plan a key element of the UK's Article 50 negotiation. It will require substantial additional powers for the Scottish parliament: all the powers in our areas of responsibility that currently lie with the EU - and significant new powers too.

We will seek to make this plan a key element of the UK's Article 50 negotiation.

I'm trying to be tactful here - it would be helpful to know more about the UK government's kind of thinking. As a first step, I think we would all benefit greatly from some clarity.

Since I have been here I've found enormous interest in the referendum result as you would expect and I've also had a sympathetic response to the position Scotland finds itself in, facing the prospect of being taken out of the European Union against out will.

While I believe that independence is the best option for Scotland, it is not my starting point in these discussions. My starting point is to protect Scotland's interests and to protect our relationship with the EU.

Our early priority has been to ensure that there is a widespread awareness across Europe of Scotland's different choice in the referendum and of our aspiration to stay in the European Union.

Scotland spoke clearly for remain and I'm determined Scotland's voice will be heard.

These times call for principles, purpose and clarity – in short, for leadership. This is why the vacuum that has developed at Westminster is so unacceptable. Politicians who proposed this referendum – no matter how bruised they feel by the result – have a duty now to step up and deal with the consequences.

It might not all happen immediately but this is going to be the most damaging experience for the UK since the end of the second World War and you know, I don't want Scotland to be subject to that damage. (...) Everybody knows I support independence, I'm not starting from a premise that says it's all about independence, it's all about protecting Scotland. But if to protect Scotland we need to consider independence then we absolutely must be in a position to do that.

Cabinet agreed that we will seek to enter into immediate discussions with the EU institutions and with other EU member states to explore all possible options to protect Scotland's place in the EU.

We will seek to enter into immediate discussions with the EU institutions and with other EU member states to explore all possible options to protect Scotland's place in the EU. A second (Scottish) independence referendum is clearly an option that requires to be on the table, and it is very much on the table.

I want to make it absolutely clear today that I intend to take all possible steps and explore all options to give effect to how people in Scotland voted. In other words, to secure our continuing place in the EU and in the single market in particular (...) There are many people who voted against independence in 2014 who are today reassessing their decision. Indeed, a very large number of them have contacted me already.

Scotland has delivered a strong, unequivocal vote to remain in the EU, and I welcome that endorsement of our European status. We await the final U.K.-wide result, but Scotland has spoken – and spoken decisively.

I want a Remain result in every part of the UK and right across the UK, that's what I hope we're celebrating on Friday. Our manifesto though for the Scottish election last month said that if Scotland faced the prospect of being taken out of the EU against our will, having voted to stay in, then of course the Scottish parliament should have the right to propose a second referendum.

The vote here makes clear that the people of Scotland see their future as part of the European Union… Scotland has spoken – and spoken decisively.

To ensure that all options are open to us, this programme for government makes clear that we will consult on the draft referendum bill so it is ready for immediate introduction if we conclude that independence is the best or only way to protect Scotland's interests.

The SNP has won a third consecutive Scottish Parliament election. That has never been done before in the history of the Scottish Parliament.

If less than two years later (after the independence referendum) Scotland was to find itself taken out of the European Union against our will, because we had chosen to stay in the United Kingdom, it's not hard to see why that might lead to a growing clamour for a further referendum.

Let me absolutely clear, I want the vote on the 23rd of June to result in an overwhelming victory across all parts of the UK for remaining in the EU.

I don't want to see Faslane close. I have long argued Faslane should be a conventional naval base, and of course, there needs to be investment and diversification in making sure that we create alternative jobs for people who currently work in Trident nuclear weapons. But you know we need to make sure that we invest scarce resources in things that create good jobs and improve our public services.

He would back Britain's exit from the European Union in a June 23 referendum.

People in Scotland are watching quite carefully just now to see how David Cameron's government responds. If it responds well, then the message people will take is that Westminster is responsive, it is adaptable, it can serve Scotland better. If it doesn't then that message will be a very different one.

There's no doubt that there's a very palpable sense of concern at the prospect of the UK coming out of the EU and an interest in how that debate will develop.

I will argue in the EU referendum that the UK should stay in because I think that it's overwhelmingly in our interest.

If the parliamentary arithmetics mean that there is anti-Tories majority, then SNP stands ready to work with Labour to lock David Cameron out of Downing Street. If that proves not to be the case because Labour failed to beat Conservatives in England, then the SNP MPs will go to Westminster to stand up for Scotland and to protect Scotland against the Tory government.

My offer to Ed Miliband: if he's prepared to be better than the Tories, then I'm prepared to work with him, to allow him to replace the Tories.

We won't just serve Scotland's interests – though we will most certainly do that. But we will seek to do more than that – we will also seek to play our part in bringing about positive, long-lasting and progressive change right across the UK.

We've just had referendum. When I hear people talking about the timing of another referendum it does always strike me that it's not just about what I do. The other parties, the Westminster parties, if they want to stem rise in demand for a referendum then they have to do the things they promised as well, starting with delivering these more powers.

They won't tell us what powers they are talking about. They don't agree between themselves what more powers should come to Scotland and we're already seeing MPs from south of the border saying they'll block any more powers for Scotland.

If people in Scotland want the substantial powers to protect our public services, create jobs, make sure we don't end up with Tory governments we don't vote for, then the only way to guarantee that is to vote yes.

Any death is a tragedy. It's sad, but important to stress to the public the death of this patient doesn't mean the virus has become more serious.

A Scottish woman is more likely to die of an alcohol-related disease than an English man.

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